Journalist and historian Philip Bowring has described the Philippines as a jigsaw state: a country of fractured geography and complex identity. Something similar may be said of its anti-corruption landscape. The Philippines’ economic growth brings the potential for social development and foreign investment, with the U.S. emerging as a key economic and security partner. At the same time, corruption has hindered its economic and social progress. Nuance, local compliance, commercial know-how and experience with the local regulatory developments will be the maps for this maze.
In this article, we attempt to jump start that skill set by assessing the corruption landscape in the Philippines, including recent economic developments and U.S. anti-corruption cases with a direct nexus to the Philippines. We then showcase how recent developments in U.S. anti-corruption laws, namely the Foreign Extortion Prevention Act (FEPA), may have implications for multi-national companies in the Philippines. We follow-up this international enforcement perspective by examining domestic anti-corruption laws and local Philippine enforcement institutions. Finally, we analyse the effects that developments in two key areas – social media adoption and whistleblower requirements – have had for the country’s anti-corruption landscape.
See “In the Crosshairs or at a Crossroads? Indonesia’s Anti-Corruption Inflection Point” (Nov. 8, 2023).
Economic and Political Promise
The Philippines has shown robust economic growth in the last decade. Annual economic growth has averaged approximately 5% per year for the last 10 years, a rate of growth comparable to or higher than other large Southeast Asian economies such as Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand, according to the World Bank. Last year, the Philippine archipelago became one of the region’s fastest growing economies.
To sustain strong economic growth, the Philippines has implemented legislation to encourage foreign direct investment. Pursuant to amendments to the Public Service Act in April 2023, foreign ownership is now permitted in many industries in which it was previously closed. Similarly, amendments to the Foreign Investment Act, which took effect in March 2022, have eliminated restrictions for foreign ownership in many domestic market enterprises (save for several strategic industries).
The U.S. is among the Philippines’ largest foreign investors, with foreign direct investment stock amounting to $6.2 billion in 2022. The U.S. is also one of the Philippines’ strongest military allies: under the current Marcos administration, the Philippines has taken part in an increasing number of joint military exercises with the U.S. and granted increased access for the U.S. military to Philippine military facilities. At the time of writing, the U.S. Secretary of State is visiting Manila as an indicator of strong cross-Pacific relations.
Lastly, the domestic political situation has remained largely stable: the country witnessed a peaceful transition of power from former President Duterte to the current presidency of Bongbong Marcos in June 2022. Within the domestic economy, one notable aspect is the role of government-owned and controlled corporations (GOCCs). GOCCs are state-owned enterprises that operate in a wide range of sectors, including insurance, financing, charity work and gaming, with the principal intention of supporting public welfare. GOCCs receive government financial support, while being legally required to remit half their earnings to the national government. Given their government ownership, officials of GOCCs qualify as “foreign officials” under U.S. anti-corruption laws, with important implications for U.S. companies that transact with them.
See “Who Is a Foreign Official?” (Sep. 11, 2013).
Endemic Corruption
Notwithstanding the promising developments above, the Philippines continues to face a challenging corruption landscape. Its latest score of 34 out of 100 in the 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), published by Transparency International, places it 115th out of 180 countries surveyed – a large decline from the country’s position in 2014, when it ranked 85th out of 175 countries. Similarly, the Global Corruption Barometer, a survey of 20,000 participants from various countries in Asia, found that 86% of Filipinos surveyed viewed government corruption as a big problem.
Analysing the causes of nationwide corruption are seldom straightforward. Observers cite reasons including the presence of local oligarchs, patronages prevalent amongst ruling bodies, suppression of dissenting voices and under funding for enforcement agencies.
The resulting perception of widespread corruption has economic implications. Analysis by the U.S. Department of Commerce suggests that the Philippines, despite the economic promise referenced, still continues to lag behind similar-sized neighbours in Southeast Asia in attracting foreign direct investment. The Philippines’ economic competitiveness ranking also declined in 2023, with the Philippines ranking 52nd out of 64 economies surveyed by the Institute for Management Development World Competitiveness report. According to the U.S. International Trade Administration, foreign investors frequently cite corruption, as well as bureaucracy and regulatory uncertainties, as a key challenge to doing business. This perception should be challenged by the recent local legislative efforts aimed at attracting foreign investment.
FCPA Enforcement in the Philippines
While FCPA cases with a direct nexus to the Philippines are few in number, the few that exist offer useful reminders of fundamental anti-corruption compliance principles for multinational companies doing business in the country.
Failure to Conduct Pre-Acquisition Due Diligence
Datron World Communications (DWC), a provider of military and naval communications equipment, paid commissions of approximately $48,000 to its Filipino agent, in connection with the sale of $1.1 million of equipment from 1999 to 2003. The agent subsequently made cash payments to high-ranking military officials, in order to obtain business for DWC. DWC executives declined to discuss these payments with the agent despite his repeated attempts to do so, suggesting a wilful blindness to potential related impropriety.
Notably, DWC’s liability for having corruptly paid money to foreign government officials was inherited by Titan Corporation, which acquired DWC in 2001. In its complaint, the SEC alleged that Titan had failed to conduct any meaningful due diligence on Datron prior to or after its acquisition. That failure, and Titan’s own failure to implement an effective FCPA compliance program post-acquisition, resulted in the SEC finding Titan liable for DWC’s failures to prevent its agents from making improper payments.
Given the DOJ’s recent focus on post-acquisition due diligence and remediation as part of its Safe Harbor program, DWC illustrates that in the Philippines, acquisitions and divestments should be coupled with robust risk due diligence.
See “Safe Harbor Policy Seeks to Encourage Self-Reporting of Issues in M&A Transactions” (Oct. 11, 2023).
Individual Liability for Executives and Officers
Invision Technologies, a manufacturer of airport security screening machines, was found to have known of a “high probability that its foreign sales agents or distributors” made improper payments to foreign government officials in several countries, in consideration for securing local business, from 2002 to 2004. Notwithstanding this knowledge, Invision allowed its agents and distributors to proceed on its behalf, in violation of the FCPA. The countries in question included China, Thailand and the Philippines.
The Invision enforcement highlights the individual liability that may arise for senior officers involved in a company’s FCPA violations. In 2006, the SEC announced charges against David Pillor, former senior vice president for sales and marketing, and a former member of the Invision board of directors. The SEC founded its charges on emails, received by Pillor, which showed that Invision’s overseas sales agents had intended to make improper payments to foreign government officials in several Asian countries, including in the Philippines. By failing to monitor these agents, and to implement measures to prevent such conduct, Pillor was found to have aided and abetted Invision’s failure to establish internal controls sufficient to prevent violations of the FCPA.
The charges against Pillor highlight the significant personal responsibility that the U.S. enforcers ascribe to officers, directors and employees, in ensuring that their companies comply with the FCPA. They also underscore the high personal costs of being found in breach of that duty.
See “Recent Indictments Demonstrate DOJ’s Pursuit of Individuals” (Apr. 27, 2022).
Customs Risk
Emery Transnational, a Philippines-based subsidiary of international freight transportation company Con‑way Inc., made approximately $244,000 in improper payments from 2000 to 2003 to induce Philippine customs officials to violate customs regulations, settle customs disputes in Con-way’s favour and refrain from enforcing legitimate fines. In the same period, Emery Transnational made further improper payments of $173,000 to officials at fourteen state-owned airlines that conducted business in the Philippines. According to the SEC’s investigation, none of these improper payments were adequately reflected in Con-way’s books and records. Moreover, Con-way knowingly failed to implement a system of internal accounting controls that would ensure that Emery’s payments were accurately reflected in Con-way’s books and records, and that Emery would act in accordance with Con-way’s policies.
In making this omission, Con-way exemplified an FCPA violation that the SEC also uncovered with DWC and Invision, highlighting the importance of establishing internal controls sufficient to ensure that a company that is subject to the FCPA accurately records all income and expenditures – both of core business activities and of gifts, entertainment and charitable donations. These internal controls should also extend to any subsidiaries or affiliates over which the company has control.
See the Anti-Corruption Report’s three-part series on customs corruption risks: “Identifying the Problem Areas” (Oct. 21, 2015), “Four Ways to Limit the Risks of Working With Customs Brokers, Freight Forwarders and Other Third Parties” (Nov. 4, 2015), and “Should a Company Ever Pay a Facilitation Payment to a Customs Official?” (Nov. 18, 2015).
Fat Leonard Scandal Highlights Risks Relating to Foreign Persons in the Philippines
Notably, one of the most prominent cases of cross-border corruption involving the Philippines does not involve Philippine government officials at all. Instead, it involves the bribery of U.S. officials by a private individual based in Singapore.
In January 2015, Leonard Francis, a Malaysian national known as “Fat Leonard,” pleaded guilty in a U.S. federal court to presiding over a years-long corruption scheme involving his Singapore-based firm, Glenn Defense Marine Asia (GDMA). GDMA supplied food and fuel to vessels in the region, including to U.S. Navy ships at ports across Asia. In his plea, Francis admitted to having bribed “scores” of U.S. Navy officials with cash, services from prostitutes and lavish hotel stays. In return for such bribes, U.S. Navy officials permitted GDMA to overcharge for hundreds of visits by U.S. Navy vessels in Asian ports, including in the Philippines and Thailand. Francis’s subsequent cooperation with U.S. authorities secured the convictions of many defendants, including many Navy officials.
The “Fat Leonard” case highlights the risk of corrupt activity that may arise from the increased military co-operation now taking place between the U.S. and the Philippines. More broadly, it highlights how U.S. and other multinational organisations, doing business in the Philippines, must implement compliance policies to ensure that their own employees and directors do not receive or solicit corrupt inducements, in addition to not paying or offering them.
The above compliance risk appears particularly relevant for U.S. or multinational companies in a position to award significant economic benefits to a local Philippine party. Examples include companies considering a significant capital investment into the Philippines, or a large acquisition of domestic goods or services. In sum, the liberalisation of the Philippine economy to foreign investment brings both economic promise and anti-corruption risks. The need to implement robust compliance policies for U.S. companies is heightened by a key development in U.S. anti-corruption law.
U.S. Foreign Extortion Prevention Act
In December 2023, U.S. President Joe Biden signed into law the FEPA, an anti-bribery law described by one advocate as “the most consequential foreign bribery law in nearly half a century.” The FEPA makes it unlawful for foreign government officials to demand or accept bribes from any U.S. citizen, company or resident, in exchange for performing or omitting any official act. In stating this prohibition, the FEPA complements the FCPA, which criminalises the offer or provision of bribes by U.S. persons to foreign officials.
With respect to the definition of U.S. persons, the FEPA adopts the same framework as the FCPA: a bribe must have been demanded or accepted by an issuer of U.S. securities; a U.S. domestic concern, including a U.S. citizen or business entity; or any person acting in the territory of the U.S.
With respect to foreign officials, however, the FEPA adopts a broader definition. In addition to the FCPA’s definition of “any official or employee of a foreign government or any department, agency, or instrumentality thereof,” or “any person acting in an official capacity,” the FEPA adds, amongst other terms, “any senior foreign political figure.” This term is defined to include senior executives of government-owned commercial enterprises, as well as their affiliated businesses, family members or close associates. In the Philippines context, the reference to government-owned enterprises makes clear that executives of GOCCs, along with their family members and associates, are included in the FEPA definition of “foreign official.”
In short, following the passage of the FEPA, U.S. companies must take particular care in transacting with GOCCs – or with other state-owned enterprises or government agencies – in the Philippines or other emerging markets. For U.S. companies in the Philippines, the FEPA, in conjunction with the FCPA, highlights the importance of a strong anti-corruption compliance program: one that, amongst other features, performs adequate due diligence of all interactions involving foreign government officials and provides robust employee training on the risks of such transactions.
This appears particularly true in the Philippines: given the close ties between the U.S. and the Philippines, cross-border collaboration on FCPA or FEPA cases may be more likely than where such alliances are less strong.
See “The Foreign Extortion Prevention Act: Key Changes to U.S. Anti-Corruption Regime Reverberate Well Beyond America’s Borders” (Jan. 31, 2024).
Domestic Anti-Corruption Enforcement in the Philippines
The Philippines has established a wide array of anti-corruption enforcement bodies. These include the Office of the Ombudsman, responsible for investigating wrongdoing by public officials or government employees, including those in GOCCs, and the Commission on Audit, responsible for examining and auditing the accounts, revenues and expenditures of funds or property owned by the Philippine government. These and other bodies seek to enforce a domestic anti-corruption framework composed of various laws and standards, including the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act of 1960, the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees, the Anti-Plunder Act of 1991, the Anti-Money Laundering Act of 2001 and the Anti-Red Tape Act of 2007.
Central to Philippine anti-corruption domestic enforcement efforts is the Sandiganbayan, a specialized appellate court tasked with prosecuting cases involving graft and corruption among public officials. Empowered to hear and decide on such cases, it has the power to impose penalties on public officials found guilty of corruption offenses. On the international stage, the Philippines actively collaborates with entities like the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, the United Nations Convention Against Corruption and Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation to bolster its anti-corruption endeavours.
Despite this complex legal framework and variety of anti-corruption measures, however, perceived corruption remains endemic. Thus far, attempts at eradicating corruption – such as the creation of the Presidential Anti-Corruption Commission, recently abolished by President Marcos – have had a limited effect. Possible causes include the lack of adequate funds to support enforcement efforts and the inherent difficulty of combating prevalent corruption.
Social Media Use and the Facilitation of Fraud and Corruption
The Philippines boasts a vibrant online community, ranking at the upper end of global social media usage. Filipinos spend an average of 4.1 hours daily devoted to platforms like Facebook and Messenger, making them among the most active users in South-East Asia. Facebook enjoys 96% user penetration in the Philippines, while its companions or peers – Messenger, Tik Tok and Instagram – follow at 92%, 77% and 72%, respectively, according to online media monitoring company Meltwater.
Usage of peer-to-peer mobile payment applications is also prevalent in the Philippines. The largest mobile wallet provider, GCash, which enables instantaneous payments between individuals, has over 76 million users, out of a national population of 114 million, according to Statista, a global data and business intelligence platform.
The extensive adoption of digital platforms means that they have extended far beyond their social origins, becoming powerful business tools for small-scale enterprises and individuals. In doing so, however, digital platforms may also facilitate corruption, money laundering and fraud-related conduct. The anonymity offered by social media accounts allows individuals to assume fake identities, which may facilitate fraud and corruption schemes. For example, the proliferation of multiple accounts may frustrate the efforts of government or corporate investigators to track the social media communications and related financial transactions of a given individual. Moreover, recent features in popular messaging apps, such as disappearing messages in Viber, Telegram and WhatsApp, add to the potential difficulties faced by investigators, since critical communications records are now more likely to disappear by default.
Lastly, in the Philippines, as elsewhere in Southeast Asia, industrial-scale forced cyber-scam centres have emerged as a growing problem. The Philippines National Police Chief recently identified cyber scamming as one of the fastest growing crimes in the Philippines. The Philippines’ strong affinity for social media platforms thus provides not only mechanisms to facilitate corruption – it also exposes an expanding online population to growing risks of fraud and scams.
See “Messaging Apps Come Under Increasing Regulatory Scrutiny” (Jun. 7, 2023).
Whistleblowing Framework and Culture in the Philippines
There is no overarching whistleblowing framework in the Philippines. However, companies in certain sectors are subject to whistleblower-related requirements or recommendations.
Pursuant to Memorandum Circular No. 2016-02, GOCCs are required by law to maintain a whistleblower system, and to provide a link on their websites to the whistleblowing portal of the Governance Commission for GOCCs (GCG), the government body with policymaking and regulatory oversight for GOCCs. While it is reassuring that GOCCs are required to provide a link to this centralised whistleblowing portal, it is difficult to analyse the overall efficacy of this arrangement, due to a lack of public data relating to the volume of whistleblower reports received and resolved.
For Publicly Listed Companies (PLCs), the Philippines SEC sets out its whistleblowing expectations, in the Code of Corporate Governance for Public Companies and Registered Issuers (the Code). Recommendation 15.3 of the Code states that it is the responsibility of the board of each PLC to establish a suitable framework for whistleblowing, in which employees may communicate their concerns about illegal conduct without fear of retaliation. Based on a presentation issued by the Philippines SEC in 2023, approximately 89% of PLCs have now implemented a whistleblowing framework. Again, however, no public data is available regarding the volume of whistleblower reports that PLCs routinely receive, nor how they are resolved.
Notwithstanding the lack of data, these legal requirements or recommendations represent a positive step. As observed in other jurisdictions, a robust whistleblowing framework is an important part of strong corporate governance, providing, an early warning system to surface reports of misconduct in the organisation, including of corruption or fraud. Further measures to strengthen the legal framework and corporate culture relating to whistleblowing would be a welcome development.
See the Anti-Corruption Report’s two-part series on the DOJ’s intention to launch a whistleblower program: “What Will It Look Like?” (Mar. 27, 2024), and “What Does It Mean for Whistleblowers?” (Apr. 10, 2024).
Nick Williams heads Hogan Lovells’ Asia Pacific litigation, arbitration and employment practice. His practice focuses on the life sciences, financial services and energy sectors. In the investigations space, he works with clients in relation to compliance, bribery and corruption issues across a broad range of industries.
Khushaal Ved is a U.S. and U.K. admitted regulatory, internal investigations and compliance counsel at Hogan Lovells. He assists clients with regulatory and internal investigations, and counsels on preventative compliance. He has particular expertise in the pharmaceutical, medical devices, energy and entertainment industries.
Han Liang Lie is an investigations and compliance lawyer, with significant experience in conducting anti-corruption due diligence and white-collar internal investigations. Han has advised private equity and multinational companies in conducting anti-corruption, anti-money laundering and economic sanctions due diligence on target acquisitions, and in developing post-closing remediation measures.
Neal Ysart is a managing director and the forensic leader for the Philippines at Deloitte. With 40 years of investigative experience, including 16 years at Scotland Yard, he specializes in helping organizations manage sensitive situations that often require independent and confidential investigation, particularly in the areas of fraud, corruption and corporate or employee malpractice.
