A federal jury’s return of a guilty verdict confirms that FCPA prosecutions will persist in the second Donald Trump presidential administration (Trump 2.0).
Following a trial in the Southern District of Florida, Carl Zaglin, owner and CEO of Atlanco, a uniform supplier company based in Marietta, Georgia, was convicted in September 2025 of conspiracy to commit money laundering for his role in paying bribes to Honduran government officials to secure contracts for the sale of uniforms and other items for use by the Honduran National Police.
Some might be surprised there was a prosecution at all given the general tenor of FCPA enforcement and government reductions at the onset of Trump 2.0. In February 2025, President Trump issued an executive order pausing FCPA enforcement (FCPA EO), and then, in June 2025, Deputy AG Todd Blanche issued a memorandum (Blanche Memo) explaining how FCPA enforcement will have a narrowed focus going forward.
In the wake of the FCPA EO and Blanche Memo, along with the cessation of multiple investigations, “the Zaglin jury conviction indicates that the government maintains some appetite for FCPA enforcement,” James Tillen, a member at Miller & Chevalier, told the Anti-Corruption Report.
This article analyzes the role that cooperating witnesses and international law enforcement played in the conviction and offers lessons for compliance teams on how to identify code words for corruption using both human intelligence and artificial intelligence (AI).
See our two-part series “The FCPA Lives”: Targeting the TCO Ecosystem (Jul. 30, 2025), and Protecting American Interests (Aug. 13, 2025).
A Yearslong Money-for-Contracts Scheme
The indictment filed against Zaglin (Indictment) and the government’s trial memorandum (Trial Memo) describe a multiyear scheme in which Zaglin and others sought to win contracts worth more than $10 million to provide uniforms and accessories to the Honduran National Police.
Between 2015 and 2019, Zaglin purportedly arranged for the payment of bribes to Honduran officials, including Francisco Roberto Cosenza Centeno (Cosenza), a former executive director of Comité Técnico del Fideicomiso para la Administración del Fondo de Protección y Seguridad Poblacional (TASA), a Honduran governmental entity, and former TASA Titular Director Juan Ramón Molina. The bribes were paid via third-party intermediary Aldo Nestor Marchena, who, at the time, resided in Boca Raton, Florida, and received $2.5 million via sham invoices that Zaglin authorized. Money paid by Atlanco to Marchena’s front company in the United States would then be transferred to accounts held on behalf of the Honduran officials in the U.S. and Belize, as well as other locations.
In early 2025, Marchena and Cosenza pleaded guilty to conspiracy to commit money laundering. Molina pleaded guilty to conspiracy to commit money laundering in December 2024. Charges against Zaglin, Marchena and Cosenza were unsealed in December 2023.
Interestingly, the “DOJ charged Carl Zaglin, the individual corporate officer who orchestrated the bribery scheme, along with his knowing associates, rather than pursuing charges against Atlanco or other corporate entities,” Richard Hartunian, a partner at Barclay Damon, told the Anti-Corruption Report.
A Conviction in Trump 2.0
The trial came at an unusual moment in FCPA enforcement history. The defendants were pursued during the Biden administration, and three had pleaded guilty before Donald Trump took office, but Zaglin’s conviction came after the significant changes made to FCPA enforcement priorities in the FCPA EO and Blanche Memo. Thus, the DOJ leadership’s choice to move ahead with the trial indicates continuity in FCPA enforcement.
“Even under shifting policies, core anti-bribery cases of this kind are still being prioritized,” Hartunian observed.
Keisha Stanford, a partner at Jenner & Block, sounded a similar note: “The Zaglin conviction provides some assurance that, for the DOJ, there will be somewhat of a return to ‘business as usual’” after the Blanche Memo, she told the Anti-Corruption Report.
Focus on Individuals
Individual liability is a significant focus of the Blanche Memo, and the Zaglin case bears that out.
Since the FCPA EO, the DOJ has dropped multiple investigations of corporations but moved forward with the trial against Zaglin, suggesting that “corrupt executives and individuals acting as middlemen for bribes are more likely to be prosecuted than the companies for which they work,” Tillen posited.
The DOJ has also moved forward with an upcoming trial against Charles Hobson, a former coal company executive indicted in the Western District of Pennsylvania in 2022, Tillen noted. Hobson is accused of violating the FCPA, money laundering and receiving kickbacks in a scheme to pay bribes to government officials in Egypt.
That the DOJ persisted in bringing Zaglin to trial “shows that the DOJ still believes that individual accountability is important, and the conviction will strengthen that belief,” Tarek Helou, a partner at Wilson Sonsini, said.
Targeting Cartels and TCOs
The DOJ’s pursuit of Zaglin also reflects Trump 2.0’s emphasis on thwarting cartels and transnational criminal organizations (TCOs), as emphasized in AG Pam Bondi’s memorandum, “Total Elimination of Cartels and Transnational Organizations,” issued on February 5, 2025. “The DOJ’s decision to prioritize a case centered in Honduras, where corruption is intertwined with organized crime and narcotics trafficking, aligns with the administration’s stated focus on areas tied to cartel and transnational criminal activity,” Hartunian observed. “That focus has the practical effect of concentrating anti-corruption enforcement in only certain regions, while perhaps signaling a retreat from a more global FCPA enforcement,” he added.
Protecting American Companies From . . . an American Company?
Zaglin’s case was framed by prosecutors as protecting American companies from unfair competition. “Prosecutors noted that Zaglin and his co-conspirators competed with other American companies for contracts with the Honduran government, which deprived American companies of a ‘fair playing field,’ echoing the language of the Blanche Memo,” Tillen said. “Throughout the pleadings, the DOJ emphasized that its enforcement priorities remain focused on addressing corruption impacting American businesses, which is consistent with the Blanche Memo,” he continued.
When the Blanche Memo was issued, there was much speculation that it would be used to privilege U.S. companies over foreign companies, but that was not the case here. “Contrary to suggestions that the FCPA would be weaponized against foreign companies and individuals, the Zaglin case involved a U.S. company and several U.S. persons,” Stanford pointed out.
See our two-part series on the Blanche Memo’s take on corporate responsibility: “Individuals Versus Corporations” (Sep. 10, 2025), and “Collateral Consequences and Global Norms” (Oct. 8, 2025).
The Importance of Cooperators
Prosecutors’ success in obtaining a conviction against Zaglin stemmed in part from the government’s use of a traditional evidentiary tool: cooperating witnesses. Zaglin’s conviction was obtained after co-defendants Cosenza and Marchena entered plea agreements and agreed to cooperate with the government.
The cooperators “were critical figures for the government because they had direct knowledge of – and, in some cases, active roles in – structuring bribe payments, facilitating transactions and interacting with foreign officials,” Barbara Llanes, a partner at Gelber Schachter & Greenberg, told the Anti-Corruption Report. “Cooperators are often pivotal in complex international bribery cases,” she noted.
“It helps to have someone else who was involved in the scheme explain who did what, explain why they did it, decode text messages or other communications, and tell the jury the story of what happened,” Helou, a former FCPA Unit Prosecutor, explained.
In this case, Cosenza’s and Marchena’s plea agreements required “cooperation with the DOJ, including providing testimony at trial and assisting investigators in reconstructing the bribery network,” Hartunian noted. Their cooperation “provided the prosecution with direct evidence regarding the mechanics of the scheme, specifically, the use of sham consultancy contracts, offshore accounts in Belize, and the intermediaries involved in transmitting corrupt payments,” he said. “This underscores DOJ’s continuing reliance on cooperators to expose and prove intricate cross-border bribery schemes.”
Zaglin’s case highlights the dangers of proceeding to trial when others have settled with the government. “It is always risky for a defendant to face trial after another co-conspirator has pled guilty,” Tillen observed. “Cooperating individuals bring the case to life, providing critical context for key events, communications and motivations, which otherwise may be difficult to establish using only vague emails and transactional records,” he said.
See “The Dos and Don’ts of Preparing a Cooperating Witness” (Nov. 4, 2015).
Following Threads From One Case to Another
Zaglin’s case intersected with a broader investigative web. The Honduran uniform contracts case in which he was involved was linked to information developed in an earlier FCPA case involving bribes paid to Bolivian government officials in exchange for contracts to provide tear gas and other non-lethal equipment. Two people involved in that matter, Luis Berkman and his son Bryan Berkman, were government witnesses in the Zaglin trial. The Berkmans apparently were working for Zaglin’s company, and Bryan Berkman is related by marriage to Marchena.
Not Uncommon in FCPA Cases
The DOJ “routinely opens investigations and develops evidence based on cooperators from prior cases or investigations,” Llanes noted. While less common in FCPA cases than other types of criminal cases, such as those involving narcotics, uncovering a cascade of wrongdoing “is not extraordinary,” she continued.
“FCPA investigations, like other extensive federal investigations, often uncover more than one corrupt scheme, especially when witnesses or cooperating defendants span multiple deals,” Hartunian observed. “Because these cases often rely on insider cooperation, a cooperator in one matter can easily reveal related schemes or overlapping participants.” The Berkmans’ “cooperation in the Bolivian tear gas bribery case leading investigators to the Honduran police uniform scheme fits that pattern,” he continued.
“In the corporate setting, the DOJ will often use knowledge about a particular industry from one corporate investigation to pursue other industry players who may be engaging in the same behavior,” Tillen explained. For example, the Panalpina-related FCPA cases exposed bribery schemes involving multiple companies in the oil and gas industry. Similarly, the ‘princeling’ cases involved multiple financial services companies entering into FCPA resolutions related to hiring relatives of officials in China.”
Incentives to Cooperate
It is not necessarily unusual for one FCPA matter to expose another one, Tillen observed, “as the government provides incentives for defendants (both individual and corporate) to cooperate.”
The Federal Sentencing Guidelines and the Rules of Criminal Procedure allow for prosecutors to request reduced sentences for witnesses that cooperate in the investigation and prosecution of others. U.S. Sentencing Guidelines § 5K1.1 allows the government to file a motion for downward departure where a defendant provides substantial assistance in the investigation or prosecution of another person. Similarly, Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 35 allows a sentence reduction to a defendant who provided substantial assistance in investigating or prosecuting another person.
“Rule 5k1.1 and Rule 35 motions are tools that federal prosecutors can use to request the court impose a more lenient sentence when the defendant provides substantial assistance to the government in the investigation or prosecution of others who committed criminal offenses,” Tillen explained.
See “2024 in Review: Industry Sweeps and Data Analytics to Find Cases” (Jan. 29, 2025).
International Cooperation
The apparent assistance provided by other governments, particularly Belize, further boosted the government’s case against Zaglin. The DOJ press release announcing Zaglin’s conviction noted that authorities in Belize and other countries had assisted with the investigation. The indictment indicated that bribe payments were routed through accounts in Belize.
“The DOJ’s Office of International Affairs worked with authorities in Belize, Colombia and Spain to investigate the scheme, and the prosecution may not have been successful without that assistance, or at least it would have been limited in the evidence it could obtain,” Llanes suggested.
“Belize has increasingly moved toward cooperation with foreign law enforcement through Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties (MLATs) and informal law enforcement channels,” Llanes said. “The DOJ’s ability to secure records and cooperation from Belizean authorities suggests that the U.S. now has practical pathways to obtain banking information that once would have been shielded,” she continued.
It was a step forward both for the case and for broader cooperation. “Although DOJ did not disclose the speed or scope of Belize’s response, the successful exchange of financial records shows that jurisdictions with historically opaque banking systems can be persuaded to provide evidence through established legal channels,” Hartunian observed. The Zaglin case “underscores that U.S. enforcement efforts are increasingly capable of reaching offshore accounts, but only when supported by cooperative governments,” he continued. “Cross-border transparency still hinges on the discretion and goodwill of foreign authorities.”
Continuing to reap the benefits of cooperation from foreign authorities may require some diplomacy. “Notably, the assistance from Belize pre-dated the current administration and the change in approach to FCPA enforcement,” Tillen said. “There may be questions as to the willingness of other countries to cooperate going forward due to the U.S. government’s focus on corruption harming U.S. business and other priorities in the Blanche Memo to the exclusion of other corruption matters that are covered within the scope of the FCPA,” he suggested.
See “2024 in Review: International Cooperation Continues to Drive ABAC Enforcement” (Dec. 18, 2024).
How Compliance Can Crack the Code
As in many FCPA cases, Zaglin and others used coded language in emails and other electronic communications as well as sham contracts and invoices to carry out the scheme, according to the Indictment.
“The Zaglin defendants used evasive language (referring to ‘commissions’ and ‘fees’ as bribes, calling Marchena ‘Miami,’ and so on), a common tactic to disguise illicit payments,” Hartunian observed.
Short of becoming cryptanalysts, compliance teams can take some steps to try to prevent wrongdoers from operating in plain sight.
Controlling the Platform
An important step in understanding coded messages related to bribery is being able to see employees’ full range of communications by requiring that they use official channels.
“Some companies require employees to use company-controlled versions of messaging apps, and some large companies combine that with surveillance of communications,” Helou said.
“It is often critical to obtain data from mobile devices and messaging applications like WhatsApp, which can provide valuable evidence to help crack the code,” Tillen emphasized.
Compliance teams can “require use of official company email and systems for business communications,” Hartunian advised, while use of personal or encrypted messaging and messaging services should be discouraged. “Zaglin’s group used personal email and encryption to avoid scrutiny,” he noted. “Having mandatory logging and retention of official communications makes audits possible,” he said.
Understanding the Lingo
Compliance teams also need to be savvy about language the company’s employees might use.
“Coded terms present a challenge to investigating corruption,” as search terms may miss the code words, Tillen cautioned. Thus, “it is important to examine what may appear as non-relevant communications related to transactions under review to see if there are any oddities suggesting code words are being used,” he argued.
Compliance teams might “identify relevant terminology by becoming familiar with terms in the industry and the context in which the company operates,” Llanes suggested.
Corporations might also “institute a system where contracts from one division are reviewed by employees from a separate division,” Llanes said. “That way, the employee reviewing the contract will be able to identify red flags.”
On the flip side, compliance teams can educate employees “about typical euphemisms (e.g., “consulting fees,” “administrative services,” etc.) that may hide bribery,” Hartunian suggested. They might also “ensure codes of conduct require plain descriptions of payments,” he added.
During an internal investigation, a company can draw inspiration from federal prosecutors. “Cooperation from an insider with knowledge can be especially valuable, as they can help interpret the code and provide crucial context,” Tillen said.
Enlisting AI Help
Another new tool at compliance teams’ disposal are the myriad AI tools that have proliferated since ChatGPT was released in November 2022.
To help surface anomalies and identify code words, companies can “invest in AI programs that can monitor and safeguard corporate compliance,” Llanes said.
AI and machine learning tools “can assist by surfacing relevant documents and learning to recognize coded language patterns,” Tillen noted.
See “Integrating AI Into the Five Stages of an Investigation” (Oct. 8, 2025).
