The guidance on how the DOJ will enforce the FCPA during the second Trump administration, as described in a memorandum issued by Deputy AG Todd Blanche (Blanche Memo), details how the law can be used as a sword to cut down cartels and transnational criminal organizations (TCOs). However, it also describes the ways in which the DOJ may use the FCPA as a shield for American companies and industries against global competitors.
This second article in a two-part series examining the Blanche Memo unpacks the directives to protect U.S. companies, use the FCPA to advance U.S. national security, and only investigate and prosecute the most serious misconduct. The first article discussed how the DOJ plans to use the FCPA to target the full TCO ecosystem.
For more on the DOJ’s enforcement priorities, see “Assessing the Criminal Division’s New Enforcement Focuses” (Jun. 18, 2025).
Protecting U.S. Companies
The executive order issued by President Donald Trump in February 2025 (FCPA EO) argues that U.S. national security depends on American companies gaining strategic business advantages, but “overexpansive and unpredictable” FCPA enforcement “actively harms American economic competitiveness and, therefore, national security.”
It does not, however, mention the ways in which the FCPA can protect honest American companies by targeting competitors that pay bribes. The Blanche Memo changes that. “By bribing foreign officials to obtain lucrative contracts and illicit profits – at times hundreds of millions of dollars – corrupt competitors skew markets and disadvantage law-abiding U.S. companies and others for many years,” the Blanche Memo asserts.
Vindicating U.S. Interests
The DOJ will seek to vindicate U.S. interests against corrupt competitors “by identifying and prioritizing the investigation and prosecution of conduct that most undermines” the economic interests of U.S. companies. When making investigation and charging decisions, prosecutors are directed to consider “whether the alleged misconduct deprived specific and identifiable U.S. entities of fair access to compete and/or resulted in economic injury to specific and identifiable American companies or individuals.”
The new directive introduces a new approach for prosecutors. “Deciding whether to bring an FCPA enforcement action based on whether an American business was impacted is a very significant change in the way that FCPA prosecutors evaluate cases,” James Koukios, a partner at Morrison & Foerster, told the Anti-Corruption Report. As a prosecutor in the FCPA Unit, he looked for a U.S. nexus to satisfy the jurisdictional requirements of the FCPA, but never “specifically looked for an American business that was harmed as a result of the bribery,” he said, unless doing so might have assisted with gathering evidence to prove the bribery.
The changes presented in the Blanche Memo could impact how prosecutors allocate resources for investigations and prosecutions because “the emphasis on demonstrable harm to American businesses introduces a more outcome-driven lens to case selection,” Kelly Newsome, a partner at McDermott Will & Schulte, told the Anti-Corruption Report. It could also change “how companies assess their risk exposure – particularly in industries where U.S. firms face strong foreign competition,” she said.
Possible Violation of the OECD Convention
The directives in the Blanche Memo may not be permissible under the Organisation for Economic Co‑operation and Development (OECD) Anti-Bribery Convention (OECD Convention), Koukios pointed out. The U.S. is a party to this convention and was a “prime mover” in its adoption, he noted.
Under Article 5 of the OECD Convention, investigation and prosecution of the bribery of foreign public officials “shall not be influenced by considerations of national economic interest, the potential effect upon relations with another State or the identity of the natural or legal persons involved.”
See “The International Anti-Corruption Taskforce and U.S. FCPA Enforcement: A Look Ahead” (May 7, 2025).
Targeting Foreign Companies
When the FCPA EO was issued, many posited that future FCPA enforcement would focus on foreign companies while letting bad behavior at U.S. companies slide. The Blanche Memo specifically addresses this concern by providing that the DOJ will protect U.S. interests “not by focusing on particular individuals or companies on the basis of their nationality,” but instead by focusing on situations where U.S. companies have been harmed.
In a footnote, however, the Blanche Memo goes on to note that “[t]he most blatant bribery schemes have historically been committed by foreign companies, as reflected by the fact that the most significant FCPA enforcement actions – measured both by the scope of misconduct and the size of the monetary penalties imposed – have been overwhelmingly brought against foreign companies.” Given this language, there may be an even greater number of cases brought against foreign entities going forward, Paula Anderson, a partner at A&O Shearman told the Anti-Corruption Report.
There have been allegations of political and economic motivations behind DOJ prosecutions for years, particularly by foreign individuals who have been investigated or prosecuted for FCPA violations, Daniel Wendt, a partner at Honigman, told the Anti-Corruption Report. “At one point, I used to joke that the top 10 FCPA lists were dominated by the Holy Roman Empire,” because some of the largest settlements were with companies from Germany, France, Switzerland and Italy. “The specific geographies have changed, but companies based outside the United States still dominate the top 10 lists,” he observed. Thus, the Blanche Memo does not actually change international perceptions of FCPA enforcement, but “the Europeans and others can now point to specific DOJ policy to say why they feel specifically targeted,” he said.
American companies could still fit within the scope of these directives, as well. “It is quite possible that a bribe paid by one American company could harm another American company,” Koukios noted.
How DOJ Might Measure Harm
The Blanche Memo does not go into detail about how the DOJ will interpret “fair access to compete” and “economic injury,” leaving the instructions open to interpretation by individual prosecutors.
One obvious way in which U.S. companies could be disadvantaged “is if they were competing in public tenders against other companies – foreign or domestic – that won the bids through corruption,” Caitlin Sheard, a partner at McDermott Will & Schulte, told the Anti-Corruption Report. Indeed, many FCPA settlements in the past have involved public tenders.
“Specific harm could be determined by examining whether the alleged misconduct resulted in lost contracts, missed business opportunities, or other economic injury to identifiable U.S. companies or individuals,” Anderson suggested.
Prosecutors can review market data, internal communications at the target entity or procurement records to determine if a U.S. entity was unfairly excluded from a business opportunity, Kelly Newsome, a partner at McDermott Will & Schulte, told the Anti-Corruption Report. “Economic analysis and input from affected parties may also be used to assess the extent of any financial harm,” she said.
Companies that are the target of an investigation may also be asked to provide information about how their misconduct might have impacted other companies. “I would not be surprised if FCPA prosecutors start routinely asking companies to produce evidence regarding their competitors that might have been harmed by the alleged bribery,” Koukios said.
Whistleblowing
As a prelude to the Blanche Memo, in a May 2025 speech (May Speech), DOJ Criminal Division Head Matthew Galeotti announced expansions to the DOJ Corporate Whistleblower Awards Pilot Program (WAPP).
There could be an uptick in whistleblower reports from people at U.S. companies “claiming to suffer economic harm in the form of loss of contracts, stolen business opportunities or inability to compete fairly, as a result of bribes being paid by their foreign competitors,” Anderson predicted.
Outside of the WAPP, the DOJ might provide significant benefits to companies that blow the whistle on competitors or foreign officials demanding bribes, which could, in turn, “potentially lead to more self-reporting and cooperation,” Aurélie Ercoli, a partner at DLA Piper, told the Anti-Corruption Report.
Individual whistleblowers might also take note of the Blanche Memo. “Whistleblowers may be more successful if they can show a nexus between the alleged conduct and harm to American business,” Sheard said.
With new potential benefits under the WAPP, “counsel for whistleblowers will be much more excited if they find a client with allegations against ex-U.S. companies that compete head to head with American companies, assuming there is jurisdiction for the DOJ,” Wendt predicted.
See “Do the 2025 Changes to the DOJ’s CEP and Whistleblowing Programs Encourage Companies to Self-Report?” (Jul. 16, 2025).
National Security
One of the key points in the FCPA EO is that “strategic business advantages,” particularly with regard to “critical minerals, deep-water ports, or other key infrastructure or assets,” play a substantial role in U.S. national security. The Blanche Memo elaborates that national security is harmed when corruption “occurs in sectors like defense, intelligence, or critical infrastructure.” Accordingly, “FCPA enforcement will therefore focus on the most urgent threats to U.S. national security resulting from the bribery of corrupt foreign officials involving key infrastructure or assets,” the Blanche Memo provides.
Always in Scope for the FCPA
By expressly directing attention to national security, the Blanche Memo “takes a more targeted approach than previous enforcement, which did not always distinguish between sectors or consider national security implications as a primary factor,” Ercoli suggested.
Still, many previous FCPA settlements have involved “critical minerals,” such as the numerous cases that stemmed from Operation Car Wash and involved Brazilian state-owned oil company Petrobras. Indeed, according to Stanford University’s FCPA Clearinghouse, the largest and fourth largest FCPA settlements of all time were related to Operation Car Wash.
“DOJ policy has always required prosecutors to consider the nature and seriousness of the offense, and a bribe involving key infrastructure or assets could have been considered serious even under previous enforcement practices,” Koukios noted. However, he could not recall “specifically considering as an FCPA prosecutor the involvement of key infrastructure or assets in a bribery scheme as a threshold requirement for an FCPA case.”
See our three-part series on takeaways from the Petrobras settlement: “Deal With SEC and DOJ to Resolve Allegations of Systemic Bribery” (Oct. 17, 2018), “State-Owned Entity, Victim and Perpetrator” (Oct. 31, 2018), and “Lessons on Preventing Top-Down Corruption” (Nov. 14, 2018).
A Malleable Definition
While the FCPA EO and the preamble in the Blanche Memo name specific industries, the specific language directing prosecutors provides that the DOJ will focus on “threats to U.S. national security” that involve “key infrastructure or assets.”
These are “malleable terms,” Nikolaos Doukellis, a senior associate at Hogan Lovells, told the Anti-Corruption Report. Many of the companies involved in the largest FCPA settlements “were in the construction, transportation, energy, communications and aerospace sectors, which continue to be at the forefront of this administration’s policies,” he said. “Prioritizing infrastructure, ports, defense and critical minerals cases does not mean total exclusion of other sectors,” because financial services, telecommunications, and pharmaceuticals and device companies could be interpreted as “key assets,” as well, he suggested.
“If someone has a mercantilist view on trade, many sectors become key infrastructure or assets,” Wendt observed.
Corruption in the Intelligence Sector
One sector that has not overtly shown up in many FCPA cases but was referenced specifically in the Blanche Memo is the intelligence sector.
“In general, I am not familiar with anyone tracking FCPA statistics using the intelligence sector as a stand-alone category,” Wendt said. If defined broadly, many companies could be included in this sector, such as telecommunications, software, hardware, cloud technology, semiconductors and data centers. “Basically, anyone collecting, storing or transferring data,” he said.
“Private intelligence firms, data aggregators and brokers, biometrics and geolocation processors, social media, technology and artificial intelligence companies often provide services that pertain to more traditional notions of intelligence and counterintelligence to private and government clients,” Khushaal Ved, a partner at Hogan Lovells, told the Anti-Corruption Report. Each of these could be considered a threat to U.S. national security as “some can swing elections,” others “pinpoint someone’s exact location,” and they are also “handling vast quantities of personal data,” he said.
Companies that could fall into the DOJ’s interpretation of the intelligence sector “should ensure their anti-corruption controls are robust and tailored to these heightened risks,” Ercoli advised.
See “How Deputy AG’s Focus on Clawbacks and National Security Impacts Enforcement and Companies’ Compliance Efforts” (Oct. 25, 2023).
Prioritizing “Serious Misconduct”
In response to the FCPA EO’s observation that “overexpansive and unpredictable FCPA enforcement against American citizens and businesses” is a waste of prosecutorial resources, the Blanche Memo directs that FCPA investigations and enforcement actions “shall not focus on alleged misconduct involving routine business practices or the type of corporate conduct that involves de minimis or low-dollar, generally accepted business courtesies.”
Instead, prosecutors should focus on allegations that bear “strong indicia of corrupt intent,” such as “substantial bribe payments, proven and sophisticated efforts to conceal bribe payments, fraudulent conduct in furtherance of the bribery scheme, and efforts to obstruct justice,” the Blanche Memo instructs.
A Questionable Problem
Considering DOJ FCPA settlements over the past decade, there is little evidence to support concerns that companies are being prosecuted for low-dollar transactions or routine business practices.
“Looking back on past enforcement, DOJ has been prosecuting significant cases, with conduct spanning multiple years and multiple jurisdictions and involving millions of dollars (even if the individual bribe payments were in the thousands),” Ved observed.
Additionally, even though there is no de minimis exception to the FCPA, “historically, the DOJ has rarely prosecuted cases based solely on small, routine business courtesies,” Anderson said.
There have been settlements where the fact pattern did involve small dollar transactions to government officials, but they were not the sole basis for prosecution. “This is something we saw come up occasionally, but typically only when the issues were widespread or coupled with more serious misconduct,” Sheard observed.
In such cases, “the concern was not the individual dollar amounts, but rather the cumulative nature of the benefits and the absence of adequate internal controls,” Newsome explained. “These factors, when combined, have elevated otherwise minor practices into broader compliance failures.”
The concerns behind the directive to only investigate serious misconduct may stem less from the actual number of prosecutions and more from the burden created for companies that are worried about enforcement. “Historically, enforcement actions for purely technical or low-dollar violations were rare, but the risk of investigation or enforcement for such conduct created significant compliance burdens and anxiety for companies,” Ercoli said. “The new guidance formalizes what had been an informal policy, providing companies with stronger arguments to shut down investigations of marginal cases.”
Still, companies may want to keep their policies around small courtesies in place. “Many companies likely will still want to remain vigilant against even low-dollar corruption, taking a ‘broken windows’ view of such conduct,” Stieglitz advised.
Fewer Prosecutions for Gifts, Travel and Entertainment
Dollar amounts aside, the language in the Blanche Memo may indicate that the DOJ will be less likely to go after any gifts, travel or entertainment exchanges as FCPA violations, instead considering them “routine business practices.”
The Blanche Memo directs “that FCPA enforcement should be targeted to a specific and potentially narrower set of circumstances than the approach taken in the past,” Kim Parker, a partner at WilmerHale, told the Anti-Corruption Report. Therefore, “it stands to reason that travel and entertainment cases and certain cases predicated on internal accounting control violations – both robust areas of enforcement over the years – may not present the severity of harm contemplated for DOJ enforcement.”
Prioritizing “serious misconduct” may be an important change for all cases at the edges, Wendt predicted. There could be less risk of enforcement “where relatives have preferential hiring status (and the relatives of the official actually show up to work); where a company provides premium travel or entertainment for officials and perhaps even their family members; where officials attend high-profile sporting events, concerts or other experiences; where a company makes a strategic donation or sponsorship; and perhaps also in cases where companies provide gifts,” he said. At the same time, he observed that such cases, with a few exceptions, such as the BIT Mining settlement, have been less prevalent in recent years anyway.
See “BIT Mining’s Inability to Pay Nets a $10M Settlement Over Allegations of Bribery in Japan” (Jan. 15, 2025).
Assuaging Fears
Companies may still be relieved by the language and tone of the Blanche Memo regardless of whether the number of cases involving gifts, travel and entertainment changes.
“Companies can rest easier knowing that they likely won’t be prosecuted for cups of coffee alone,” Sheard said. But companies “should still stay vigilant to these risks, as excessive hospitality and lax rules around business courtesies and other small-dollar payments can be indicative of larger issues,” she advised.
Companies should recognize that “they could be subject to the local anti-corruption laws even if DOJ or SEC do not investigate,” Ved warned.
See our three-part series on travel and entertainment corruption risks: “Five Hallmarks of an Acceptable Hospitality Expenditure” (Mar. 9, 2016), “Three Musts for a Strong T&E Policy and Five Ways a Company Can Customize Its Program” (Mar. 23, 2016), and “Internal Controls to Ensure the Program Is Working” (Apr. 6, 2016).
